Katya Adler
Europe editor
@BBCkatyaadleron Twitter
"Period defining", "new actuality", "historic second" – that's the place we’re proper now in Europe. At the very least, that's what numerous European politicians and commentators say, since Russian President Vladimir Putin started his invasion of Ukraine.
Are they proper? Sure and No, I'd argue.
Beginning with the Sure.
On 24 February, President Putin shocked this continent out of complacency.
His assault on Ukraine has introduced large-scale dying and destruction again to Europe, together with whispers of doable nuclear warfare.
His intention: not solely to dominate Ukraine, however to roll again Western dominance militarily and – ideally – politically, when it comes to liberal democracy, from the previous Soviet sphere of affect.
The motion Western allies take collectively now will basically have an effect on Europeans' sense of self and security for years to come back.
Nato is re-invigorated. The transatlantic army alliance, as soon as dismissed by French President Emmanuel Macron as "mind lifeless", is concurrently proving Mr Putin fallacious to view the West as weak and disunited, whereas additionally offering army assist, defence and deterrence to Nato's jap flank that feels so uncovered to the Kremlin's expansionist fervour.
This – up to now – can be proving to be a defining second for the EU. The bloc had lengthy talked up enjoying an even bigger position on the world stage – and never solely when it comes to economics and commerce. Till now, that was a failed ambition.
However the Russia-Ukraine disaster has unexpectedly elevated the EU into a reputable geopolitical participant.
The velocity with which Brussels co-ordinated sanctions in opposition to Russia – each throughout the EU, and with worldwide allies – was frankly spectacular. As had been the unity of resolve amongst member states, and the bureaucracy-defying EU strikes to enact never-before-used mechanisms to assist Ukrainian refugees, and the Ukrainian army.
Germany, one of many EU's largest gamers, additionally took the world's breath away by immediately saying goodbye to World Struggle Two sensitivities and asserting enormous investments in its army, the Bundeswehr.
Key to the choice being applauded within the EU and additional afield is that this isn’t a Germany newly flexing nationalist muscle tissue.
"That is about Germany serving to to re-define Europe, not its personal position," Ricarda Lang advised me. She is the co-chair of the German Inexperienced Social gathering within the coalition authorities.
"It's about European sovereignty, not simply in safety and defence but in addition when it comes to imports and power."
For years Germany has knowingly been reliant on the US for safety, and on Russia for power and commerce. It’s not the one EU nation in that place. However because the bloc's richest and strongest nation, Berlin is probably the most stand-out instance.
And this has weakened the West's hand in terms of sanctions in opposition to Russia.
EU nations pay Moscow as much as €800m (£674m; $884m) for power every single day, which quantities to an estimated 40% of the Kremlin's revenue. This cash goes in direction of funding the warfare in opposition to Ukraine, that the West is ostensibly combating.
"It's tragic it took a warfare like this, however now we Germans have woken up with a bang!" insists Marie Agnes Strack-Zimmerman, who heads the German parliament's Defence Committee.
She assured me Berlin was now able to take duty.
The West checked out Germany with suspicion after two world wars, she noticed, however that was a long time in the past, and – to be sincere, she mentioned – Germany was fairly snug having fun with being a Nato and EU member, with out having to spend money on its personal military.
"Germany's allies have waited too lengthy for us to do our bit."
Berlin has now pledged to construct an environment friendly, trendy army, and to maintain up defence spending to Nato necessities. Below worldwide strain, commerce and power ties are being tackled, too.
Keep in mind, although, that reworking the at present threadbare German army will take years, as will untangling the nation from its deep-seated relations with Russia.
For many years, Berlin was the dividing line between East and West Europe.
Hopes for European unity had been excessive after the autumn of the long-lasting Berlin Wall, and the following 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union.
However fast-forward 30 years, and also you hear discuss of a brand new "Berlin Wall", although additional to the east.
Tiny Baltic nation Latvia has a 200km (124 mile)-long border fence, separating the EU and Nato member on one aspect from expansionist Russia on the opposite.
Col Sandris Gaugers is the commander of the Latvian Land Forces Mechanized Infantry Brigade. We spoke at his army base, simply outdoors the capital, Riga. The bottom can be residence to Nato forces, which have nearly doubled in measurement since Russia invaded Ukraine.
"I see a brand new Iron Curtain coming. Although this time, we'll be on the western aspect," the colonel advised me.
"We live a brand new actuality. For us Latvians the safety surroundings is now gone. We spent 20 years in Iraq, in Afghanistan. Now our essential focus is right here. How will we defend our freedom and our nation?"
Priorities have now modified throughout Europe, he mentioned. "Folks used to deal with financial wealth. Now it's about defending our values and lifestyle."
Latvians and their Baltic neighbours in Estonia and Lithuania try onerous to not say "I-told-you-so" to the West. They've been warning about President Putin for years.
They really feel they perceive the Russian chief higher than most. All three nations had been as soon as a part of the Soviet Union.
Latvia's Prime Minister, Arturs Krišjānis Kariņš, insists the West has to simply accept that "Putin just isn’t like us". France and German leaders famously went on diplomatic visits to Moscow earlier this yr, attempting to dissuade President Putin from attacking Ukraine.
Prime Minister Kariņš says agonising over discovering the best phrases, or turns of phrase to steer Mr Putin, is pointless.
"He's hell-bent on destroying democracy and our lifestyle.
"If we don't cease Putin. He is not going to cease at Ukraine."
Mr Kariņš mentioned the one good factor to come back out of the present state of affairs is that Nato and the EU are working nearer collectively than they’ve in 30 years. That, he mentioned, was a game-changer.
And right here we come again as to if that is an era-defining second for Europe.
Or perhaps not.
The EU is thrilled to have the US again and engaged in Europe.
For all Brussels' discuss of the bloc now constructing "strategic sovereignty" in defence and safety, EU nations look to Washington when confronted with Russian threats.
EU defence plans, designed to enrich – or to partially change – Nato, relying which European politician you converse to, are nothing new. And up to now, they've by no means labored.
All EU nations agree that on the very least, it is sensible to pool assets and know-how: cyber, army, gear and intelligence. But, no nation needs to go first.
Every EU member has companies or people benefiting from nationwide contracts. The European Fee now needs to supervise the overhaul of defence capabilities. Few within the army are holding their breath, wherever they reside in Europe.
As regards the renaissance in EU-Nato co-operation, in all chance, as soon as the acute Russia-Ukraine disaster subsides, the US will flip its consideration to what it actually sees as its overseas coverage precedence: the Asia-Pacific, not Europe.
However the EU has its raison d'être again.
Designed initially as a peace challenge, its imaginative and prescient fell by the wayside in current occasions. Youthful Europeans had no reminiscence of warfare. They noticed no urgency in uniting or combating for peace on their continent.
In that regard, this second actually is a brand new actuality.
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